Italy has produced three of the world’s most infamous criminal groups. Cosa Nostra from Sicily, the Camorra from Campania, and the ‘Ndrangheta from Calabria continue to hold the country in a stranglehold. But as Italians migrated to other countries, so did these criminal gangs. I originally researched the presence of these Italian mafia groups in Australia for Gangsters Inc, but as the owner of these texts I have chosen to reproduce some of them here, on my own blog, with update information. This article sheds light on the dark history of the ‘Ndrangheta in Australia.
The early booms in immigration to Australia by southern and western Europeans would taper off by the early decades of the 20th century. The following decades saw the majority of Italy’s migrants heading towards greater ‘La Merica’, chiefly the United States, but also Canada. However, between the Immigration Act ratified in 1917 and the imposition of migrant quota systems in the U.S., the Italian masses once again sought new shores for prosperity. Hence, while immigration rates in Australia had stayed moderate yet steady during this period, following the war years and Italy’s subsequent surrender (during which some 18,000 Italians were interred as enemy aliens in Australia), migration rates yet again exploded, and many made their way into Australia.
Ever vigorous, Italian families established communities across the country, settling more prominently in the southern and eastern states of New South Wales, South Australia, and Victoria (the latter of which today accounts for some 40% of the entire settled Italian-Australian population). Naturalisation spread widely, and by the 1950’s the greater majority of Italians in Australia were identifying as Australian citizens in the national census.
Unique ‘Little Italy(s)’ sprung up around the city centres of Sydney, Adelaide, and Melbourne. Members of these communities plunged into their labours with a fierce work ethic, and the gregarious libation that serves any culture in good stead. Italian populations spread throughout the eastern and south-eastern seaboards and the outlying hinterlands and further rural districts and townships; the Riverina of New South Wales, the Barossa Valley region in South Australia and inlying Victorian towns such as Shepparton and Mildura. Also, to lesser extents, populations settled across Australia’s ‘North End’, in Far North Queensland and the Northern Territory. While Brisbane and Darwin have relatively small Italian populations, substantial migration to the cane-field belts and arable land has helped to develop Italian communities in these areas.
An oft-cited, albeit rough figure, claims that some 5000 of the 9000 strong population of Plati (Calabria) migrated to Australia between 1950 and 1970. A early major catalyst was a weather event that saw devastating flooding across Plati in 1951. The migrants settled in Melbourne, Adelaide and around the Griffith and Riverina district of New South Wales, though they had been coming well before this time, albeit in smaller numbers. A small, rural town in Calabria known as a ‘mafia stronghold’ heralds links between a handful of Plati-born families and their Australian kin which has manifested in several joint investigations between Italian and Australian investigators over the years, investigations which have continued into recent times. Other historically poverty stricken Calabrian townships such as Altomonte, San Remo, San Luca and Locri traditionally provided the steadiest stream of migrants to Australia. As with Plati, many of these towns had their own long histories with the ‘Ndrangheta. It became evident that the so called “Onorata Societa'”, or Honored Society, had estavlished a presence in Australia.
THE SS RE D’ITALIA – THE KING OF ITALY
In the early sixties, a string of murders linked to Italian identities in the Australian state of Victoria convinced Federal authorities to commission reports from a number of organised crime investigators. Chief amongst them were reports by John T. Cusack; then District supervisor of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), and Dr Ugo Macera; then the Assistant Commissioner of Police in Calabria and director of Criminalpol. Both men were flown to Australia at the behest of Federal authorities and investigators, recognised for their experience and insight into such matters.
On the back of alarming intelligence alleged in both the Cusack and Macera reports, Colin Brown, an agent for the Australian Secret Intelligence Organisation (ASIO) was appointed to chair a federal inquiry into Italian organised crime in Australia in November 1964. His subsequent 147-page report titled “The Italian Criminal Society in Australia” was tabled in 1965. While never made public in their entireties, portions of these reports have been published, and a number of literary sources and works of public record investigative journalism have referenced and cited certain tracts found within. They are accessable in a limited degree through bodies like the National Library of Archives. They fundamentally formed the basis of intelligence regarding the ‘ndrangheta in Australia for decades, naming a number of its earlier organisers, charting events of note, and identifying then current leaders, higher-ups and assorted implicated characters.
The Brown report alleged that the earliest organised criminals of Calabrian extraction could be traced back to the arrival of the Italian ship ‘Re D’Italia’, in Adelaide on the 18th of December, 1922. Amongst the arrivals were a number of men connected to Calabrian ‘ndrine; Antonio Barbaro, known as “The Toad”, who would eventually take residence in Victoria, and Domenico Strano, who settled in New South Wales. The third, Arcantonio Macri, is reported to have set up in Perth, Western Australia. A young Giuseppe Buetti was also on the ship. As an aside, some sources state that Strano actually arrived in 1930. It is interesting to consider the oft-repeated statement in connection to the ship, that it “brought the mafia to Australia”, a statement that reads as overly simplistic. What is true though, is that each of these men would in later years become well known to police and investigators as figures of authority amongst the Australian ‘ndrine.
Within a few years of the arrival of the ‘Re D’Italia’ would begin a string of murders, which would subsequently be linked to Calabrian criminals. For an early example, according to contemporary newspaper articles, on the 24th of December 1925, Constable James Clare (of the Victoria Police) was walking with two other plainclothes policemen down Victoria Street in North Melbourne when a party of eight to twelve Italian men approached them. The news report claims that after bumping into Clare a heated exchange followed, whereupon a knife was drawn and Clare was stabbed in the heart.
Arraigned in court on the 19th of January 1926, Domenico Condello was charged with the murder. Condello had lived in Australia for three years by the date of the murder, and via a court-appointed interpreter, claimed self-defence. Condello alleged that Clare had used derogatory language against the party and had failed to properly identify himself as a policeman. Backed up by the testimony of the rest of his party, Condello was acquitted of the murder. It was noted by a number of sources that Antonio Barbaro himself had organised local drives in Italian communities which raised a fund for the defence.
In 1930, after he was murdered at the Newtown Railway Station in Sydney, letters found in the home of the former Queensland based criminal Domenico Belle indirectly identified coba-bastone (a leader of a cell) across the country, a prime example being Antonio Brando as a then leader of a Melbourne ‘ndrine. In the correspondence between the two, Brando had responded to a letter from Belle in which he (Belle) had mentioned a rumour that Brando had been deposed as a leader. Brando responded by stating that he was “…native of Plati…!”; sufficient pedigree, by his logic, to remain asserting his authority. It is unknown if any of these statements verify any truthes to the alleged conflict Belle is said to have faced in Queensland before arriving in Sydney, his murderer was the well travelled Giuseppe Mammone.
On the 20th of January 1932, Rocco Tremarchi was executed in Griffith, New South Wales. The Cusack report would identify him as an early leader of the Griffith based cell of the ‘ndrangheta (which would come to particular prominence in later years). His own son was charged with and acquitted of the murder; the facts, however, concluded that the body contained bullets of different calibre, which indicated there was more than one shooter involved. Possible allusions to an ‘honour-killing’ have been put forward, which allege Tremarchi “falling out” with his cohort; as a point of fact, he had in reality forced himself upon his young daughter-in-law. His son Salvatore served a prison sentence for his murder, avenging the patriarchal cuckolding.
As far as blood debt goes though, later incidents have demonstrated the practice was even up to recent times alive within the Society. When a family name is dishonoured, the stain can be erased by the hand of other family members.
Also named in the Brown report were the identities of several other early Calabrian mob leaders including Guiseppe Rullo, a leader of a cell based in Mildura who died in 1964. Such was the respect he commanded, Rullo was allegedly granted a mafia ‘pension’ following his retirement in 1956. His funeral in 1963 is recorded as one of the first big mafia funerals in the country, a tradition that became the norm for a number of high-ranking figures (for example, one of the named ‘founding fathers’, Domenico Strano, whom died in 1965, was also celebrated via a large funeral, which was attended by numerous criminal and public figures from New South Wales and interstate). Rullo left behind two sons whom the Brown report alleged continued their father’s tradition, albeit as underlings, as the next boss installed was Rafaelle Romeo, an early patriarch of the Romeo family.
Also named in the Brown report is one Domenico Alvaro, apparently known as “Mr Lenin”, born on July 7th 1910, in Calabria. He is claimed to have taken over a Sydney based cell in the 1960’s, after the previous boss, a supposed relative of his named Rafaelle Mafrici died. With only scant information available, it is definitively known that Mafrici’s mother’s maiden name had been Condello, a surname well known even today amongst the confines of the ‘ndrangheta.
Investigations into the phenomenon of mafia cells in Australia have yielded a recurring theme amongst the greater Calabrian mafia and its early years, particulary in Australia; to whit, its bloodlines. Unlike the American Mafia, these “Families” are often just that; based on sanguinary and lineal family links. As in Calabria, cells were often comprised around certain familial units.
Often likened to New York’s infamous ‘Five Families’ would be the eventual recognition of the so-called “Seven Cells” of Adelaide; these are the Sergi, Barbaro, Trimboli, Romeo, Nirta, Alvaro, and Perre families, principals around which revolved smaller peripheral familes. Based in South Australia but with family established across the nation, the extended families which comprise the Seven Cells have been extensively linked to ‘ndrine in Calabria, and with Griffith, the bastions of the so called Plati Group.
Similarly, in Victoria the major families are named as Italiano, Arena, Muratore, Benvenuto, and Condello. Across the rural regions various families are often linked to the bigger names; the Medici, Musitano, Pochi, Pelle, Polimeni, and Agresta amongst others. A proportionally small number of families yield a proportionally high number of alleged criminals. Some of these names are well known amongst the Calabrian ‘ndrangheta, and many have come to be recognised as influential amongst the Calabrian-Australian clans, popping up again and again in investigations. Victoria is in more recent times recognised as boasting primary links to the so called Siderno Group.
In the early years and even up to the late 50’s and early 60’s, Calabrian mobsters are alleged to have utilized a system of tattoos, which were supposedly markings indicative of belonging to the ‘Honoured Society’, and denoting rank. A number of individuals arrested were sporting said tattoos. For example, an unnamed Italian labourer referenced in the Brown report faced charges of assault and intimidation in 1960. When questioned about the five dots on the base of his thumb arranged in the shape of the dots on a dice, he claimed that his tattoos were “done for fun”, despite his being arrested while carrying a Black Hand style extortion letter. For obvious reasons, this branding died out. It was during these early years that the Calabrian elements in the southern states of Australia began cultivating ‘respectable’ personas; the public image of mild mannered businessmen, far removed from the thuggish rackets they were ultimately known for by investigators.
(As a small disclaimer, by no means should everyone with such a name be automatically considered part of the mafia. However, said names are recognised by Australian and Italian authorities as being linked with Calabrian criminal cells deeply entwined with the ‘ndrangheta in Italy, and in Australia).
On the 3rd of October, 1957 an informant had tipped investigators off to a meeting being held on at 15 Osborne Street, New Brunswick, by members of the Melbourne branch of the Honoured Society. A large number of what transpired to be extensively armed men were picked up congregating around the adress, which was owned by an Italian named Domenico Versace, brother to famous “Fat Joe” Versace murdered over a decade prior by then rising stars of Melbourne’s ‘ndrina. When questioned, the most common refrain amongst the group of characters was that they were there celebrating the first birthday of Vernace’s daugther, with a number adding that they had attended at the behest of Vernace’s father-in-law, Francesco Medici.
This, despite the fact that the child in question was absent from the property, along with her mother, Vernace’s spouse and Medici’s daughter. Of a deal more concern however was their collective concealed armory. Upon being searched, close to all of the thirty-two detained were discovered to be in possession of a blade of some description, with a pair of pistols also turning up in the police haul. All told, the arrests would lead to twenty-two charges, three convictions and the discovery of an illegal alien. The aforementioned cooperator was well positioned to provide context.
Amongst a litany of family names that repeat and echo throughout the decades in Victorian mob circles, the meeting had been called to resolve a conflict between Rocco Tripodi, scion of a leading family, and Domenico DeMarte, future boss of the the ‘ndrine. The informant outlined a structure amongst the attendees, with a definite heirarchy that delegated and directed the younger blood apart from the elder; several being established as dangerously violent. The informant claimed that the conflict involved DeMarte’s reaction to a percieved breach of Society protocol on the part of Tripodi (a feasible, yet completely speculative interpretion, could perhaps link the conflict added momentum towards the factional schism that was on the way).
*****Having studied a number of Governmental reporrts on the incident, I have compiled a detailed chart including a short bio of every one of the men that were arrested at the time. Stay tuned, it will be up soon! – Steve)*****
Another such meeting was observed by the NSW Investigative Branch in Sydney on the 19th of July, 1964, this time attended by over fifty individuals (lesser known than it’s Victorian counterpart, a Calabrian element has also pervaded the Sydney produce market). As reported by Cusack, links between the city centres and rural towns was established as leading racketeers were observed travelling distances to interact with their counterparts. It was this atmosphere that was leading up to the crescendo of the Market Murders. Hence, it’s worth taking a moment to explore the notion of market racketeering.
In the rural farmlands of the country the produce industry was one that any man could eke out a comfortable living in, provided he was a hard worker and had access to the requisite land (which could, in those years, be bought relatively cheaply. This trend of cheaply priced land was common in rural Australian regions for many years). As an industry that didn’t necessarily require knowledge of language or custom, and also required skills that came as second nature to many migrants, many families built a livelihood around the hard scrabble life of a mid-century farmer, building their fortunes through sweat and labour.
But if said settler: a) did not speak English, b) did not own a vehicle to transport produce to the market, or c) remained ignorant of the sale and distribution end of the industry, our hypothetical migrant settler would find himself in need of a market contact, such as a commission agent, shop/stall owner and/or supermarket rep. In another words, people that were comfortable operating in the cities. Hence, where the honest folk set up, so did the dishonest and parasitic. Thus, rackets were carved out by the criminally industrious amongst certain families that had imported a different way of life from the Old Country.
Reported instances of murder and skulduggery amongst the fruit-and-veg industry would become inherent in the earliest days, revolving for the most part around crude Black Hander style extortion. However, in the south-eastern states alarming trends were arising, due to the importation of the mysterious “Honoured Society”. They not only perfected the Black Hand method, but also implemented early forms of labour racketeering and public corruption tactics.
By controlling the flow of produce into the local markets, certain Calabrian groups were able to set prices and monopolise sale and distribution, a racket which would eventually create a stranglehold on the Victorian fruit-and-vegetable industry. Thrown in for good measure, extortion was utilised every step of the way; overcharging buyers, underpaying sellers, exorbitant fees for services, and imposing ‘right-to-operate’ payments, as basic as charging stall holders for the right to sell at the market. There is evidence that would also point to far more elaborate schemes involving holding and shell companies.
A prime example of the market racketer existed in a Calabrian named Domenico Italiano, who had arrived in Australia during the 1930’s. In later years he would come to be known as ‘The Pope’, an illustrious nickname that illustrates the stature he held during his time. Italiano would reputedly team up with one of the founding fathers; Antonio Barbaro, known as ‘The Toad’ (a slightly more lowkey nickname, which begs the question of Barbaro’s reputation amongst his peers). Together they would condense a tightly knit cell of friends and relatives into what would eventually be definitely recognised as a Melbourne based ‘ndrina. As a commission agent in the produce industry based in the well-known Queen Victoria Market in Melbourne, Italiano, with Barbaro acting as his chief enforcer, would organise the theft in and extortion of the produce market into a racket that became the lynchpin of the cells activities, and would remain so for decades.
Italiano would die on December 13th, 1962, leaving behind a number of family members involved in the operations, as well as an enduring legacy as a pioneering racketeer, who perfected a system that would last for decades yet. To complicate matters of succession, Barbaro, cited as Italiano’s sotto-capo, would also die in 1962, within weeks of Italiano. In time, a struggle between different factions for control of lucrative rackets would rock Melbourne, with the seedier side of its crucial fruit and vegetable market exposed.
Mafia in Australia 